Showing posts with label partition of the sub continent. Show all posts
Showing posts with label partition of the sub continent. Show all posts

Thursday, July 18, 2019

19th July: Kashmir-Accession to Pakistan Day By Sajjad Shaukat JR190SS61






19th July: Kashmir-Accession to Pakistan Day   By Sajjad Shaukat JR190SS61

Preparations have started by Kashmiris living either side of the line of control and rest of the world to observe the Kashmir’s Accession to Pakistan Day on July 19, this year.

On this very day in 1947, the historical resolution was adopted by the by the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference in Abi Guzar, Srinagar during an emergency convention at the residence of Sardar Muhammad Ibrahim Khan. It was presided over by Chaudhry Hamid Ullah Khan, and the resolution was presented by Khawaja Ghulam-ud-Din Wani and Abdul Rahim Wani, with 59 prominent leaders in attendance.

The resolution was unanimously adopted on 19th July, 1947 showing a political and constitutional stance. It indicated that existing religious, geographical, cultural, economic ties and the aspirations of millions of Kashmiri Muslims warrant accession of the state of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) with Pakistan. During the partition of the Sub-continent, the people of the state of Jammu and Kashmir which comprised Muslim majority decided to join Pakistan according to the British-led formula. But, Dogra Raja, Sir Hari Singh, a Hindu who was ruling over the J&K in connivance with the Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and Governor General Lord Mountbatten joined India.

The design to forcibly wrest Kashmir began to unfold on August 16, 1947, with the announcement of the Radcliffe Boundary Award. It gave the Gurdaspur District—a majority Muslim area to India to provide a land route to the Indian armed forces to move into Kashmir. There was a rebellion in the state forces, which revolted against the Maharaja and were joined by Pathan tribesmen. Lord Mountbatten ordered armed forces to land in Srinagar.

However, Indian forces invaded Srinagar on October, 27 1947 and forcibly occupied Jammu and Kashmir in utter violation of the partition plan and against the wishes of the Kashmiri people.

When Pakistan responded militarily against the Indian aggression, on December 31, 1947, India made an appeal to the UN Security Council to intervene and a ceasefire ultimately came into effect on January 01, 1949, following UN resolutions calling for a plebiscite in Kashmir.

It is mentionable that the Security Council adopted resolution 47 (1948) of 21 April 1948, which promised a plebiscite under UN auspices to enable the people of Jammu and Kashmir to determine whether they wish to join Pakistan or India. On February 5, 1964, India backed out of its promise of holding plebiscite. Instead, in March 1965, the Indian Parliament passed a bill, declaring Kashmir a province of India-an integral part of the Indian union.

The very tragedy of Kashmiris had started after 1947 when they were denied their genuine right of self-determination. They organised themselves against the injustices of India and launched a war of liberation which New Delhi tried to suppress through various forms of state terrorism.

It is notable that since 1947, in order to maintain its illegal control, India has continued its repressive regime in the Occupied Kashmir through various machinations such as establishment of puppet governments etc.

Ironically, despite a lapse of 71 years, Kashmiris are still struggling and sacrificing to achieve their alienable right under the UN resolutions. Kashmir Valley is one of the most heavily militarized regions in the world with Indian 7 million armed security forces which are perpetrating various forms of state terrorism on the innocent Kashmiris. Since 1989, a deliberate campaign by the Indian army and paramilitary forces against the Kashmiris has been manifested in brutal tactics such as crackdowns, curfews, illegal detentions, massacre, targeted killings, sieges, burning the houses, torture, disappearances, rape, breaking the legs, molestation of Muslim women and killing of persons through fake encounters.

Besides Human Rights Watch, in its various reports, Amnesty International has also pointed out grave human rights violations in the Indian controlled Kashmir, indicating, “The Muslim majority population in the Kashmir Valley suffers from the repressive tactics of the security forces. Under the Jammu and Kashmir Disturbed Areas Act, and the Armed Forces (Jammu and Kashmir) Special Powers Act and Public Safety Act, security forces personnel have extraordinary powers to shoot suspected persons.”

In its report on July 2, 2015, the Amnesty International has highlighted extrajudicial killings of the innocent persons at the hands of Indian security forces in the Indian Held Kashmir. The report points out, “Tens of thousands of security forces are deployed in Indian-administered Kashmir…the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) allows troops to shoot to kill suspected militants or arrest them without a warrant…not a single member of the armed forces has been tried in a civilian court for violating human rights in Kashmir…this lack of accountability has in turn facilitated other serious abuses…India has martyred one 100,000 people. More than 8,000 disappeared (while) in the custody of army and state police.”

In this respect, European Union passed a resolution on May 11, 2011 about human rights abuses committed by Indian forces in the Indian held Kashmir.

Particularly, in 2008, a rights group reported unnamed graves in various regions of the Indian occupied Kashmir. In this connection, in August, 2011, Indian Jammu and Kashmir State Human Rights Commission (SHRC) officially acknowledged in its report that innocent civilians killed in the two-decade conflict have been buried in unmarked graves. Notably, foreign sources and human rights organizations including Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons (APDP) have disclosed that unnamed graves include thousands of persons, killed by the Indian forces in the fake encounters including those who were tortured to death by Indian secret agency RAW.

In its report China’s leading News Agency Xinhua has unearthed more gruesome details on world-stunning unmarked graves in Poonch of the Indian occupied Kashmir. The report revealed the statement of Sofi Aziz Joo, caretaker of a graveyard as saying, “Police and Army used to bring those bodies and direct me to bury them. The bodies were usually bullet-ridden, mutilated, faces disfigured and sometimes without limbs and heads.”
It seems that non-condemnation of these Indian massive human rights violations and non-interference for the settlement of this issue by the so-called civilized international community, especially the US have further encouraged New Delhi to keep on going with its state terrorism on the armless Kashmiri masses. Ignorance of the issue by the US-led Western countries involves the risk of nuclear war between Pakistan and India.

Indian authorities are not willing to talk with Kashmiri people on political grounds. New Delhi reached to a conclusion that only bullet is the right way of dealing with Kashmiris, demanding their right of self-determination. Surprisingly, Indian successive governments are trying to ignore the dynamics of the freedom movement of Kashmiris for the sake of their alien rule.

It is noteworthy that dialogue between India and Pakistan took place on a number of occasions, but produced no outcome, prolonging the agony of the subjugated people of the occupied Kashmir due to Indian intransigence.

It is worth-mentioning that since the martyrdom of Burhan Wani, Commander of Hizb ul Mujahideen by the Indian security forces on July 8, 2017, New Dehi has accelerated state terrorism throughout the Indian Controlled Kashmir. As a result more than 400 people embraced martyrdom and around 40,000 got injured. Many became permanently blind due to pellet guns shots. Curfew remained imposed for several months.

Nevertheless, every year, the Kashmiris and their brethren in Pakistan, and those living all over the world observe 19th July as the Accession to Pakistan Day to re-affirm their commitment to continue their struggle against Indian illicit occupation, and till the attainment of this liberation.

Sajjad Shaukat writes on international affairs and is author of the book: US vs Islamic Militants, Invisible Balance of Power: Dangerous Shift in International Relations

Email: sajjad_logic@yahoo.com

Tuesday, October 23, 2018

Extract from unfinished novel:












 Extract from unfinished novel:

Nawaz along with his mother, father, three brothers and two sisters, climbed aboard the third class compartment of Karachi Express .The bogie was crowded and Nawaz and family found space between the door and the stinking lavatory .They plunked their crude battered tin case along with two bundles of bed sheets and quilts on top of their meager luggage.
The train left Lahore in the evening, yet Lahore was sizzling hot and the crowded car made it a very uncomfortable journey .Morning found the train entering Sindh, but this was even worse, as the temperature was a shade higher than at Lahore .Coping with the dripping sweat was an unbearable activity .The train-stop at railway stations did allow Nawaz and his brothers to stretch their legs but the two girls were not even allowed this brief respite from the stifling conditions.
The food at the station was stale, unappetizing and quite expensive .Nawaz and his family carried about 40 chapattis and some sagh and dal ,which they had for meals .A baked earthen pitcher filled with water was their lifeline .This they had to refill at every station .The crowded car was made even more crowded by the throngs of retailers  selling biscuits, stale boiled eggs ,tea in small glasses strung on  wire  holders ,over ripe bananas ,health medicines meant to give special sexual powers ,special oil to grow hair on bald people , lottas and multitudes of such small items . These gentlemen screamed on the top of their voices and added to the infernal din .Beggars further added to the confusion, all kinds and sex and type of beggars competed with each other and with the retailing boys .Their bogie was too crowded for any sleep to be possible, the heat and the noise made it pretty much impossible.
The train shrieked past the yellowish brown farm lands, spewing clouds of black smoke, the environmentalists had not got their act together as yet .The farmland mosaic had just turned brown, the wheat crop was ripening and was close to being reaped .The farmland mosaic changed every few months from yellowish brown of the summer to the lush green of the autumn to the bright yellow of the winter .Nature along with human endeavor kept changing this mosaic as if  with a huge paint brush, the color scheme was never the same and each year brought different shades of brown, yellow and green .This seemingly cyclic change resulted in a different color mosaic every year.

                                                                             
The farmland was stretched across the irrigated part of the Punjab and Sindh plains. These had been formed out of gigantic cataclysms .The Indian plate, which was set adrift from the mother continent, after drifting for centuries across the ocean, struck with a immense impact the Asian plate .Like two male rams head butting to decide who is to be the owner of the harem. Only in this case it seems to have been inconclusive as after irregular intervals the plates seem to lock horns and create frightening shivers and quakes that destroyed many a community. In reality the collision and impact is still going on, the initial impact was dramatic but some 50 million after the fact it had not completely subsided.
The impact sandwiched smaller islands and impounded the sea in between the two plates .The impact resulted in a rapid uplift of the land .The high and imposing mountain that seem so stable and static are in fact very alive and dynamic .These generate ,from time to time, great destructive forces that shake the land and destroy communities like flies .Less dramatically ,but more importantly ,the mountains generate large amount of water that nourish the great plains that the mountains created in the first place and also the sediment which kept on depositing to extend the shore line further south-wards .
The sea that was trapped in between was squeezed out in a mad rush akin to a gigantic river swollen in a great deluge ,the water flowed to the Indian Ocean  .Some of the water that was trapped was to assist farmers many centuries later and some was trapped to form huge salt deposits that exist to this day .The water etched a deep ravine through which the river flowed .Over time ,when the great flood subsided , the river seemed to flow very deep down and from the bank on top looked to be a trickle .This was misleading as the great mountains shed large amounts of water all over the year and the river flow is always significant .
The water carried tones of sediment that got deposited after the water slowed down when it descended from the piedmont to form the Punjab and Sindh plains .Gradually and slowly, over countless centuries this plain gradually developed and slowly encroached upon the sea .Each year the shore line drifted further South, a process that is going on to this day, 50 millions years after the occurrence of the great impact.
The uplift also created a bifurcation in the huge river and instead of one great mass of water flowing east- west and then south wards many rivers started to flow .Some of these changed and reversed direction, due to the continued uplift, to drain into the Bay of Bengal .The uplift created a rift in the lands that were to be known to as Punjab and Sindh or the Indus Valley and between what came to be known as India.
This rift it seems was sanctioned by nature itself, as centuries later, after the formation of the plains, human populations also generally adhered to this rift, rarely did people of these two land unify .Strangely enough unification when it did take place happened under the influence of people who were alien to these lands and the union was political and not social or religious. The last of these outsiders were the British who were Christians and before them the Mogul, Pathan and Turkish tribes who were nominally Muslim.
Nawaz had bitter memories of the more recent reversion to the natural status quo between these two lands, Nawaz's father had in fact very painful memories of this division of lands .He had lost a younger sister, who was kidnapped and never returned and the entire family of eight of his brother was brutally massacred .The hatred of Sikhs and Hindus was therefore etched in his mind.
The forced travel to the new land was, to Nawaz’s parents, as violent and cataclysmic as the banging of the Indian and Asian plates century’s earlier .It was not without incident. The train ride to Lahore was harrowing ,he and his wife survived because they played dead and the karpan yielding Sikh youth left them for dead .They emerged from their crowded boogie at Lahore station ,except for them  not a single person was left alive .Both of Nawaz’s parents were drenched in the blood of the now dead fellow travelers .Nawaz his brothers and sisters, who had migrated to Sahiwal well before this great divide ,came to receive his parents .Both parents were unable to narrate the ordeal they had undergone to Nawaz or to the inquiring Army Captain .Both of them took many weeks before they could speak and then also they were still  unable to describe the horror they had undergone .Both of them frequently awoke, drenched in sweat ,in the middle of the night having reenacted the horror in their nightmare.

Nawaz, in all this confusion and clamor was happy .He had persuaded his father to sell his quarter acre land in Sahiwal that was allocated to them and from the proceeds he managed to buy 40 acres of land, on the edge of the dessert .This land he had bought from Arshad Ahmed Khan who had been allocated this land in lieu for lands that Arshad’s family had claimed to have lost near Delhi .Arshad in fact came from an urban environment and had no love or feel for the land ,the harsh conditions persuaded him to sell his bequest at some what lower than normal rates .The one visit to the land was enough to convince him that this definitely was not his cup of tea. Nawaz was oblivious to all the heat and noise , he was deep in thought about his plans to develop this land.
The train reached Nawabshah station seven hours late .Nawaz and his family got down and searched for the local train which would take them to Bandhi .From where they could walk to their land, but the train had left and Nawaz and his family had to spend the night on the platform.
They had by now eaten all the food they had brought .Nawaz was reluctant to buy any food from the platform .He had just enough money to buy the pair of bullocks he had sold at Sahiwal and for his seeds for the first crops .A little was left over for the train ride to Bandhi .They had purchased 20 chapattis and a few onions, these were crushed to provide the meal which unsurprisingly was very delicious as they were very hungry.
Although Nawaz seemed oblivious of his surroundings his brothers and sisters were not .Nawabshah station platform at night became very pleasant .Cool sea breeze from 300 km away made the night very enjoyable .Clear sky and the cool breeze helped the family to partly forget the miserable train journey .They spent a rather comfortable night in the platform .Morning sun, however, completely changed all this .The pleasant, cool evening and night turned into a blazing, hot morning.
They finally found their local train which was in no hurry to leave .It finally did leave about four hours later than it should have. Leisurely the train passed through lush green land, which was browner than green this time of the year, on both sides of the car they were traveling .This was a third class compartment and it was smaller than the one they had traveled on Karachi Express, but this one was even more crowded and was dirtier.
Hungry , thirsty and sweating to their toes they reached Bandhi .A small sleepy town ,which was the market place for farmers to bring their produce to sell to the middlemen ,from whom they had already taken cash loans for seeds ,fertilizer and their other needs .The town had a small post office and a police station .
The dusty main street had small shops on both sides .The middlemen also had their somewhat larger offices along the road, most had godowns, that were larger, but away form the main street .The shops had very high roofs and a wooden plank was strung across the roof .Hanging from the plank was a tough piece of cloth made taut by stretching across a thick rope. .A man sat half dozing, he would pull the string attached to the plank, when ever he awoke from his rather fitful slumber and this generated a whisper of a breeze.
These shops and other houses behind it were surprisingly cool, these were mostly building constructed by the by the Hindus who had left for India after partition These building were cool in spite of the stifling heat and the blazing sun .The roof was very high, the walls were made of mud bricks plastered with shredded jute bags kneaded in the limestone and sand mixture .The roof was thick and made similar to the walls,
The post office was made in modern style, with baked bricks, cement mortar plaster and this rendered it as hot as an oven .It was simply impossible to enter this building from late morning to early evening, which was why the postman sat outside on his depilated cot, under a small tree, puffing on his hookah.
Khadim was one of the partners in a middleman business, his partner Ibrahim had inherited the business from the Hindu baniya Randho Mal, who tried to keep his business running much after partition, but old age and migration of family and relatives forced him to sell his business. Ibrahim who also belonged to Sahiwal purchased all of Randho Mal’s business, his house and his position in the local economy .This meant that Ibrahim was also the unofficial banker .He like Randho, advanced money against collateral, which usually was jewelry and less frequently title documents to the land. Ibrahim had also purchased the main store of the town from Rando, this store carried cloth and food stuff that was obtained from Karachi and sold at a handsome profit to the farmers.
 Ibrahim was as shrewd as Rahdo and did fit in Ranho’s shoes rather well. There was ,however , one area where Ibrahim and his partner failed and that was to become a part of the power structure .Randho and his like had evolved a method by which they ensured protection and a free license to exhort money from hapless farmers .Randho would advance money at rather high rates and this was secured credit as it was covered by either Jewelry ,of about three times the value of the loan or land documents which were also valued many times the amount of the loan .It was his greed that finally did his kind in .They had ,over time ,obtained claims to ownership a large percentage of the land in the district and the Province .Unfortunately for Randho ,and his kind ,most of the large landowners, protectors of Randho and co, found the partition a very convenient excuse to get out of the loan obligations of the Hindu Baniya .Ibrahim did avoid this pitfall and lent money to smaller landowners at somewhat less than exorbitant rates .
The system that Randho and his community had perfected was that one of the their daughter was always married to the Baluch Wadera ,who was the virtual king in the area .His authority was only superseded by the Pirs who had an arrangement by which they controlled most of Sindh .The Pir and Wadera thus controlled the whole of Sindh ,both professed to be outsiders ,one Syed and the other Baluch .Ibrahim and his kind lacked the instinctive knowledge of how to integrate within the local power structure .Very hard working , frugal and shrewd Ibrahim was more than equal replacement to Randho but Ibrahim was not prepared to have family ties with the Wadera and the Pir .This was an odd reluctance .The Hindu Binaya was willing  to have his daughter wed the wadera but the Muslim Ibrahim and his kind were not .It was this failure that was to nullify all his toil and acumen for in the end the Pir and wadera managed to exhort money in one form or other and his life time of struggle was severely devalued.
The Hindu Binaya had integrated into the social fabric but his replacement, co-religionist of the local population, failed to do so and thereby created a fissure in the social set up .The Sindh rural set up was perhaps brutal and repressive but for all that there was cohesion and the society was closely knit in intricate relationships, all of this was fractured by the arrival of Ibrahim and Nawaz and Arshad and their kind.
Nawaz and his family got out of the station and with their meager luggage on their head started their trudge to their land .They passed the main street, which was rather quite in the hot late afternoon.
Walking out of the town they were greeted with the same yellowish brown hue that the land had leaving Lahore only here it was more brown that yellow as the wheat crop had ripened and was in the process of being reaped ,being located South and nearer to the equator the crops ripened earlier in Sindh than in Punjab . Walking a few mile out of the town they found the landscape turning to a semi desert, it was not as brown and was much less cultivated, at about the end of this semi arid landscape Nawaz finally reached his land .For this he and his father had traveled many miles, had undergone numerous mishaps but finally he was at the land of his dream.
For all of Nawaz’s excitement the land that they had reached was a sorry looking piece .It was a far cry from the lush green village in Indian Punjab that they had belonged to .That village, in East Punjab, was situated at the bottom of the hilly-mountainous area, small streams and ponds dotted the country side and for most of the year it was very green and comfortable. Even the village in Sahiwal was greener and the land more hospitable than this desolate desert that was Nawaz’s farm .It was not leveled and was dotted by sand dunes and small desert shrub .Yet he was happy and seemed to have achieved the dream that generations of his family had pined for .He considered himself extremely lucky .His new farm land was in reality a part of the desert, only Nawaz was fortunate as the irrigation canal did reach his land and this ensured that every fourteen days or so he would get enough water to irrigate less than half his land. The water was available only because the provincial government, in order to establish rights, used the British built canal feeding the area at significantly higher discharge than the design discharge

They reached the centre of their land and chose a spot where they would build their rather modest house .There was not even a tree which could provide shelter and Nawaz and his brothers went out to collect twigs and some stout sticks to rig a makeshift shelter .By now it had cooled down and the blazing hot sun was turning various hues of orange ,the same sea breeze that greeted them at Nawabshah started blowing, the desert started to cool down and some of the misery of the journey began to wear away .
The temporary shelter only solved one problem but the more important one of feeding the family was still to be resolved .They still had a few chappaties with them, these were barely edible as the great heat they had traveled through made these almost stale, but their greater problem was that they did not have even the onions that made up the meal at Nawabshah.
The only asset that Nawaz had was a double barrel gun and a few shots. The money that they had was enough for the first seed and for the pair of bullocks that were crucial for their farming effort .Nawaz was not prepared to use any of this money.
He took his gun and started walking towards the desert .The desert which formed a part of the Thar-Cholistan desert had not always been as unwelcoming as it was to Nawaz .One of the lesser rivers, that drained towards the sea ,passed through what had now become the desert .The river was once host to perhaps the greatest urban civilization of its time ,The Harappan and Mohenjadaroen people evolved the earliest and the most systematic urban community .The civilization was also perhaps the one that evolved or discovered the One God concept which was passed on to Abraham pbuh and resulted in the three Monist religions .The land uplift ,that resulted from the great head butt, was perhaps responsible for the drying out of the river and over centuries the land turned in a harsh desert .
Nawaz was completely unfamiliar with the desert .He kept on walking deeper into the desert and after a while saw large amount of pebbles the size of small grapefruits lying scattered around few shrubs .This was unexpected as these stones seemed to be completely out of place .Nawaz got curious and started walking towards these stone as he neared he heard the sound of many wings flapping and incredibly the pebbles turned into birds and flew away .He was so shocked and surprised that he forgot to aim and fire his gun ,this meant that he lost the only chance they had of a proper meal that afternoon .They had to eat their chapattis with water from their earthen water urn but the encounter with stone turning into birds did teach Nawaz the way to get high class proteins for their many a next meals .
By now it was getting dark and the desert suddenly turned unfamiliar as Nawaz lost his bearings .He was completely lost and the desert with very few landmarks seemed the same in all directions .Fortunately for Nawaz he found his footsteps still visible in the sand and retreated back to his farm .This was another lesson that he learned about the desert .This also put a fear and respect for the desert in his mind.
Next morning he got up very early and trudged back to the desert .This time he was more careful and froze as soon as saw the pebbles .He cocked his gun and fired as soon as the partridges started to flee .He got six birds and that morning his mother helped by her daughters cooked the most delicious meal that they had eaten for a long time .For many months the partridges stood between hunger and Nawaz’s family.

Nawaz’s immediate neighbor was Allah Dino who was the local Wadera and owned larger tracts of land in the district .He was the Baluch wadera who had taken over political and social control of the area after the last Baluch incursion unto the area .Although Dino was a wadera, a feudal. and a outsider he and his like integrated into the social fabric of the land .They immediately shifted to Sindhi ,the local language  , and owned the local heroes and icons .Shah Abdul Latif became the defining poet ,his sufic poetry ,which was immensely powerful ,described the sufic concepts in simple but very beautiful language ,much like Bulah Shah who did the same in Punjabi . The Baluch control of most of Sindh occurred in phases which continues to this day .The early efforts were war like and aggressive but the modern efforts are more subtle but equally successful .The modern Baluch control occurs due to fact that the lazy and indolent local slowly loses control of his land and other means of production to the more dynamic and aggressive outsider .The old and new Baluch incursions ,however ,did not create a rift in the social fabric as the outsiders accepted and adopted the more sophisticated local culture and arrangements and are therefore fully assimilated into the local population .
Allah Dino had large land holdings which were cultivated through the Hari system .About 16 acre pieces were allocated to hari families who cultivated the land .The produce was shared between the Wadera and the hari after deduction of direct expenses .This meant that the hari was barely able to meet his most basic of his basic needs .The wadera was in fact owner of the hari ,his women were free game for the wadera and his sons .The wadera did provide insurance against catastrophic events and in that sense gave insurance against hunger and other calamities .This arrangement did not result in a environment that gave encouragement to hari to work hard ,as any wind fall profits that did accrue to the hari for usurped by the Wadera anyway .This meant that Dino got very low yields and his large holding barely provided him with a reasonable living .He ,however , used this arrangement in other ways which did provide him with much more income than the land did .
Nawaz ,unlike Dino ,did not identify with he local population .He did learn the local language but always had a vague sense of superiority and a sense of different-ness that kept him from totally accepting the local ways .His sense of superiority was related more to his working habits as compared to that of the haris .Arshad on the other hand had a marked sense of superiority emanating from his sense of belonging to the ruling mogul class and the association to the supposedly higher culture and language ,Arshad made no attempt to learn the Sindhi as he considered it as inferior .Had he made the attempt he would have realized the beauty in the language and the sufic poetry that was of great beauty and simplicity .He would also have realized that his language –Urdu , was akin to both Dino’s language i.e. Sindhi and to Nawaz’s language –Punjabi .All these three are sister languages, Urdu evolved from Punjabi which itself evolved from Sindhi and Serieki .All of these had more in common with the Tamil languages than with Sanskrit and possibly all or some of these languages still carried words and even the structure of the Harrapan or Mellehuan language of the Harrapan or Mohenjadaroen people .These languages seem to echo the theme of the rift caused ,by the great head butt, between the Indus lands and the Ganges-Jummna lands , as these language do differ from the Sanskrit related Aryan languages .
Allah Dino was unable to buy Arshad’s land because his attention and more importantly his cash flow were attracted by the young ,buxom dancing girl , Shazia from F.B. Area .This for the land was fortuitous because it would have lain desolate and unattended if Dino had managed to scrape together the price of the land demanded by Arshad .Nawaz and his family on the other hand ,with back breaking labor, ,managed to arrange the land and prepare the land like a poor  bride  .They revered the land much like the ancients worshipped the promiscuous goddess who slept with different gods and men and accepted their seeds .The land similarly was prepared to receive various seeds which over time would bloom to full grown plants .This would be a part of natures color scheme .This to Nawaz was more beautiful then a miniature painting from Chughtai or even more than the allures of Shazia .Dino on the other hand looked at the land as his passport to political and social mobility .
Latif the youngest of the brothers was not too infected by the land bug, he found the harsh hot fringe of the desert barely tolerable .He was a young strapping lad with even features. The harsh landscape and lack of any friends did depress Latif , who one morning walking around his land came across Marvi the young daughter of Rusal Bux , one of the Hari of the wadera Allah Dino . Marvi , who had just turned sixteen , felt an uncontrollable attraction for the strapping lad , she had a vague sense of doing something forbidden . They could not talk with each other as both did not understand the others language but they did lock eyes, Latif with unabashed greed and Marvi with a shy indefinable exciting feeling. Their first meeting on the edge of the desert lasted only a few minutes, no words were exchanged but the universal language, did communicate the mutual attraction that both of them felt for each other, although the nature of attraction and expectation of each from the other was widely different. The brief encounter did arouse interest in Latif to learn Marvi’s language. Latif did  imbruse himself whole heartedly towards a crash course of learning to speak Sindhi and surprisingly it did not take long for him to be adequately fluent in the language , which is not surprising as both Sindhi and Punjabi are sister languages .

Monday, September 10, 2018

Forgotten Hyderabad Massacre



Forgotten Hyderabad Massacre
Introduction  
When India was partitioned in 1947, about 500,000 people died in communal rioting, mainly along the borders with Pakistan. But a year later another massacre occurred in central India, which until now has remained clouded in secrecy   In September and October 1948, soon after independence from the British Empire, tens of thousands of people were brutally slaughtered in central India. Some were lined up and shot by Indian Army soldiers. Yet a government-commissioned report into what happened was never published and few in India know about the massacre. Critics have accused successive Indian governments of continuing a cover-up. Critics have accused successive Indian governments of continuing a cover-up.
On the 14th of August 1947 Pakistan was formally declared a new independent Dominion with Mohammad Ali Jinnah as it’s first Governor General. On the following day India was declared a new independent Dominion with Lord Louis Mountbatten as it’s first Governor General. Hyderabad declared its independence on the same day and despite its size, being land locked, she asked India for a stand-still agreement to allow time to negotiate a fuller agreement over future relationship.


The Massacres

"The massacres took place a year after the violence of partition in what was then Hyderabad state, in the heart of India. It was one of 500 princely states that had enjoyed autonomy under British colonial rule. When independence came in 1947 nearly all of these states agreed to become part of India. But Hyderabad's Muslim Nizam or prince, insisted on remaining independent. This outraged the new country's mainly Hindu leaders in New Delhi. After an acrimonious stand-off between Delhi and Hyderabad, the government finally lost patience. 
In addition, their desire to prevent an independent Muslim-led state-taking root in the heart of pre-dominantly Hindu India was another worry. Members of the powerful Razakar militia, the armed wing of Hyderabad's most powerful Muslim political party, were terrorizing many Hindu villagers (although this claim was a fabrication as the militia was engaged in law and order maintenance). This gave the Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, the pretext he needed. In September 1948 the Indian Army invaded Hyderabad. In what was rather misleadingly known as a 'police action', the Nizam's forces were defeated after just a few days without any significant loss of civilian lives. But word then reached Delhi that arson, looting and the mass murder and rape of Muslims had followed the invasion.
 Partition of Sub continent and Princely States
When independence came in 1947 nearly all of these states agreed to become part of India. But Hyderabad's Muslim Nizam, or prince, insisted on remaining independent. This refusal to surrender sovereignty to the new democratic India outraged the country's leaders in New Delhi. after an acrimonious stand-off between Delhi and Hyderabad, the government finally lost patience. The State Congress as well as the Arya Samaj and other organizations had launched a propaganda campaign alleging that the Nizam government and the para-military Razakaars are harassing the Hindu majority of Hyderabad and that their lives and property are in great danger. Influenced by such propaganda and emboldened by India’s independence, activists of the above mentioned organizations and criminal elements started attacking border areas of Nizam’s Dominions from within as well as from India.

In Police Action Ki Bhooli Tareekh Ka Aik Janbaaz Shaheed, A.R. Yaf’ai provides an account of his father Muhammad Isa Yafa’I’s activities in defending Hyderabad from the nefarious onslaught of communalists and highway robbers who in the name of independence had unleashed a wave of violence in the Udgir area of modern-day Bidar district.

Trouble started brewing in Udgir in 1938 when the Arya Samajists took out a provocative Dussehra procession and murdered a Muslim resident. Sensing the coming upheaval and the disorganization of Muslims Isa Yaf’ai left his governmental post as sub-inspector in the excise department to lead the Razakaars in his native Udgir. Isa Yaf’ai immediately set to work and started organizing the Razakaars and was conferred with title of Salar.

He faced an uphill task as the Muslim community was rife with opportunists. The local Majlis-e-Ittehad ul Muslimeen, of which the Razakaars were an offshoot, was also not free from such characters. Help from Hyderabad was not forthcoming. Numerous requests to the government and Razakaar and Majlis leadership fell on deaf ears as the situation worsened by the day. Salar Yaf’ai did whatever he could relying on the local resources. Benefiting greatly from this situation was the highway brigand Appa Rao who regularly carried raids on Muslim settlements.
As political deliberations between Hyderabad and New Delhi failed and with an all out military attack looming Yaf’ai moved the town’s Muslim community to one of the interior villages hoping that this will save lives. The military came and assured them that they will not be harmed if they give up their arms. However this was not to be and thousands of unarmed Muslims were killed indiscriminately as the army watched. Not only this but the author presents eye-witness testimony to prove that the army provided arms to the attackers and actively participated in the killings.   as 30,000 people were killed in the Udgir area alone.
The claims that the Razakars looted and killed the Hindus are fabrications,   that they were not at all communal and that they in fact protected Hindu lives and property. This is attested by the fact that there were many Hindus like Lakshayya who actively collaborated with them.  
.
 Sunderlal report
Determined to get to the bottom of what was happening, an alarmed Nehru commissioned a small mixed-faith team to go to Hyderabad to investigate. It was led by a Hindu congressman, Pandit Sunderlal. But the resulting report that bore his name was never published.
The Sunderlal team visited dozens of villages throughout the state. At each one they carefully chronicled the accounts of Muslims who had survived the appalling violence: 'We had absolutely unimpeachable evidence to the effect that there were instances in which men belonging to the Indian Army and also to the local police took part in looting and even other crimes. During our tour we gathered, at not a few places, that soldiers encouraged, persuaded and in a few cases even compelled the Hindu mob to loot Muslim shops and houses.

"The team reported that while Muslims villagers were disarmed by the Indian Army, Hindus were often left with their weapons. In some cases, it said, Indian soldiers themselves took an active hand in the butchery: 'At a number of places members of the armed forces brought out Muslim adult males from villages and towns and massacred them in cold blood.' The investigation team also reported, however, that in many other instances the Indian Army had behaved well and protected Muslims. The backlash was said to have been in response to many years of intimidation and violence against Hindus by the Razakars.

In confidential notes attached to the Sunderlal report, its authors detailed the gruesome nature of the Hindu revenge: 'In many places we were shown wells still full of corpses that were rotting. In one such we counted 11 bodies, which included that of a woman with a small child sticking to her breast.' And it went on: 'We saw remnants of corpses lying in ditches. At several places the bodies had been burnt and we would see the charred bones and skulls still lying there.'
The Sunderlal report estimated that between 27,000 to 40,000 people lost their lives. No official explanation was given for Nehru's decision not to publish the contents of the Sunderlal report, though it is likely that, in the powder-keg years that followed independence, news of what happened might have sparked more Muslim reprisals against Hindus.

It is also unclear why, all these decades later, there is still no reference to what happened in the nation's schoolbooks. Even today few Indians have any idea what happened. The Sunderlal report, although unknown to many, is now open for viewing at the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library in New Delhi  Some who survived the massacre contend  'What happens, reaction and counter-reaction and various things will go on and on, but at the academic level, at the research level, at your broadcasting level, let these things come out. I have no problem with that.' 

JINNAH'S VIEW ABOUT HYDERABAD

The Quaid had very definite views in regard to Hyderabad. He felt that the days of autocracy were over and the administration should therefore pass into the hands of the people without much delay. He felt that Hyderabad possessed heritage which should be a source of pride both to Hindus and Muslims of that country. The very fact that despite tense feelings and bloody rioting all over the sub-continent, conditions in Hyderabad had remained peaceful was, he regarded sufficient proof of the truth, that Hyderabad, by virtue of its traditions, culture and inter-communal relations stood in a category apart. He believed that the Muslims and Hindus there should jointly shoulder the responsibility of the government and administration. He was certain that once the Hindus of Hyderabad had their full share in the responsibility of administering the State, it was most unlikely that they would wish to merge with the Indian Union by which they would have nothing to gain but a great deal to lose. He was not unmindful of the fact that in Hyderabad the Muslims were very much behind the Hindus in the field of commerce and other walks of life and at present the mainstay of their subsistence was services in various civil and military departments of the government. He thought that there should be a period of transition in which the Muslim community should be helped to find other avenues of occupation and the Hindus should be given greater share in public services and administration. He felt that parity of representation should immediately be introduced in the legislature, and all other ranks of services, and in due course a more stable and acceptable proportion established. He also felt that Hyderabad should try to maintain and hold its position as a great seat of culture and tradition and continue to give lead to the surrounding areas in every walk of life. He feared that conditions in central and southern provinces of India might force some of the Muslim population to migrate into Hyderabad and he hoped that Hyderabad would give them the shelter and protection that they may need. He believed that the very fact of Muslims in those areas finding themselves free to move into Hyderabad would create in them the confidence and sense of security which was so much needed for their very existence and would eventually help them to stay where they were. The Hindu population in these areas also would take cognizance of this fact and would refrain, from ill-treating the Muslim minorities. Not for a moment did he think it was necessary or advisable for Hyderabad to accede to Pakistan.
"Quaid thought if India would go to the extent of using armed force in making Hyderabad accede to India. He said he did not like making prophesies but thought that was most improbable. Apart from the constitutional position under the Independence of India Act, he felt that the world opinion would go very much against India if she ever went to the extent of armed intervention in the affairs of Hyderabad. He concluded by saying that he would do everything in his power to help Hyderabad in building up honorable and lasting relations with India and securing a dignified political position for itself.
 
Conclusions
The Hyderabad massacre resulted in the gruesome killing of about 40000 people , Muslims at the hands of Indian Army and Hindu extremists elements . The long suppressed Sunderlal Report whose full text is now available   should also be made available to public as it sheds much light on the massacres. Those who forget history are condemned to repeat it. So goes the saying. For Muslims, 1948 serves as a lesson as to what can happen when they ignore reality and let their passions take over. It is vital that Indians know of the gory events of the attack on and annexation of Hyderabad. No longer can this issue be put on the back burner on the plea that it will instigate violence or threaten national integration. When the Germans and the Americans can objectively study their past and acknowledge their darker aspects why can’t we? 


Saturday, August 18, 2018

Jammu Massacre


Jammu Massacre
Introduction 

After the Partition of India, during October–November 1947 in the Jammu region of the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir, a large number of Muslims were massacred and others driven away to West Punjab. The killings were carried out by extremist Hindus and Sikhs, aided and abetted by the forces of the Dogra State headed by the Maharaja Hari Singh. The activists of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) played a key role in planning and executing the riots Observers state that a main aim of Hari Singh and his administration was to alter the demographics of the region by eliminating the Muslim population, in order to ensure a Hindu majority in the region. Historians say that the killings carried out by the Hindu ruler's army and Sikh army was a "state sponsored genocide" to bring out demographic changes in Jammu - a region which had an overwhelming population of Muslims.
"The massacre of more than two lakh (two hundred thousands) Muslims was state-sponsored and state supported. The forces from Patiala Punjab were called in, RSS (a right-wing Hindu organization) was brought to communalize the whole scenario and kill Muslims," said PG Rasool, the author of a book The Historical Reality of Kashmir Dispute.The Muslims, who constituted more than 60 percent of the population of Jammu region, were reduced to a minority after the killings and displacement. 
 The reporter of The Times, London, dated 10th August, 1948, has reported: “2,37,000 Muslims were systematically exterminated — unless they escaped to Pakistan along the border — by the forces of the Dogra State headed by the Maharaja in person and aided by the Sikhs. This happened in October 1947, five days before the Pathan invasion and nine days before the Maharaja’s accession to India”. (Confirmed in UNSC, Meeting No. 534, March 6, 1951). Other reporters have put the number of massacred Muslims either less [2, 00,000, per Horace Alexander’s article in The Spectator, dated 16-01- 1948) or more ( 5,00,000 according to Ian Stephens, Making of Pakistan, New York, page 200 & 6,00,000 per Christopher Sneden, What happened to Muslims in Jammu, Journal of South Asian Studies, Vol.xxiv, no.2 (2000)]. Whatever the actual number of the victims of that barbaric savagery of Dogra Ruler let loose on his Muslim subjects, it is a fact that human killings by State sponsored genocide are “statistics” & mere not “numbers” as in usual killings.
Extracts
(Extracts   from “Being the Other: the Muslim in India”, Saeed Naqvi, Aleph Book Company).

What was the death toll in the killing fields of Jammu? There are no official figures, so one has to go by reports in the British press of that period. Horace Alexander’s article on 16 January 1948 in The Spectator is much quoted; he put the number killed at 200,000.
To quote a 10 August 1948 report published in The Times, London: “237,000 Muslims were systematically exterminated – unless they escaped to Pakistan along the border – by the forces of the Dogra State headed by the Maharaja in person and aided by Hindus and Sikhs. This happened in October 1947, five days before the Pathan invasion and nine days before the Maharaja’s accession to India.” Reportedly, as a result of the massacre/migration, Muslims who were a majority (61 per cent) in the Jammu region became a minority.
Mountbatten was in control in Delhi and had news of the genocide of Muslims in Jammu filtered out of the media. Sadly, there has been precious little discussion in India about this horrible phase of history.
Maharaja Hari Singh’s involvement, with the support of the RSS, is evident from a letter Jawaharlal Nehru wrote to Vallabhbhai Patel on 17 April 1949 (quoted in Frontline magazine):
In this (intelligence) report, among other things, a reference was made to a growing Hindu agitation in Jammu province for what is called a zonal plebiscite. This idea is based on the belief that a plebiscite for the whole of Kashmir is bound to be lost and, therefore, let us save Jammu at least. You will perhaps remember that some proposal of this kind was put forward by the Maharaja some months back. it seems to me that this kind of propaganda is very harmful, indeed, for us. Whatever may happen in the future, I do not think Jammu province is running away from us. If we want Jammu province by itself and are prepared to make a present of the rest of the State to Pakistan, I have no doubt we could clinch the issue in a few days. The prize we are fighting for is the valley of Kashmir. [This is what Nehru had dug in his heels for. The consequences are for all to see to this day.]
This propaganda for a zonal plebiscite is going on in Jammu, in Delhi and elsewhere. It is carried on by what is known as the Jammu Praja Parishad. Our intelligence officer reported that this Praja Parishad is financed by the Maharaja. Further, that the large sums collected for the Dharmarth Fund, which are controlled by the Maharaja, are being spent in propaganda for him.

The lid on these massacres was lifted by Ved Bhasin and a few journalists of that time. But like the collective silence over the pogrom in Hyderabad, the holocaust in Jammu has been a story hidden from public view by the machinations of the very people who covertly allowed the massacres to take place. These included many in the national leadership of the Congress party at the time. The events of Hyderabad and Jammu and Kashmir reveal the emergence in New Delhi of an establishment which was indifferent to Indian Muslims.
Consider the testimony of journalist Ved Bhasin. Here I am again quoting from his paper presented at the Jammu University in 2003.
Communal tension was building up in Jammu soon after the announcement of the Mountbatten plan with the Hindu Sabha, RSS and the Muslim Conference trying to incite communal passions. Tension increased with a large number of Hindus and Sikhs migrating to the State from Punjab and NWFP and even from areas now under Pakistan’s control. Trouble was brewing in Poonch, where a popular non-communal agitation was launched after the Maharaja’s administration took over the erstwhile jagir under its direct control and imposed some taxes. The mishandling of this agitation and use of brutal force by the Maharaja’s administration inflamed the passions, turning this non-communal struggle into a communal strife.
The Maharaja’s administration had not only asked all Muslims to surrender their arms but also demobilised a large number of Muslim soldiers in the Dogra army and the Muslim police officers, whose loyalty it suspected. The Maharaja’s visit to Bhimber was followed by large-scale killings.
Bhasin reports the large-scale killing of Muslims in Udhampur district, particularly in Udhampur proper, Chenani, Ramnagar and Reasi areas. Even in Bhaderwah (about 150 kilometres from Udhampur), a number of Muslims were victims of communal marauders. According to Bhasin, the RSS played a key role in these killings, aided by armed Sikh refugees “who even paraded the Jammu streets with their naked swords”. Some of those who led the riots in Udhampur and Bhaderwah later joined the National Conference and some even served as ministers. There were reports of Muslims massacred in Chhamb, Deva Batala, Manawsar and other parts of Akhnoor, with several of them fleeing to the other side or moving to Jammu. In Kathua district too there was the large-scale killing of Muslims and reports of women being raped and abducted.
As for the attitude of the state, Bhasin alleges that instead of preventing these communal killings and fostering an atmosphere of peace, “the Maharaja’s administration helped and even armed the communal marauders”. He goes on to say that many Muslims living outside Muslim-dominated areas were brutally killed by the rioters who moved freely in vehicles with arms and ammunition even when the city was officially under curfew. “The curfew it appeared was meant only to check the movement of Muslims,” he says.
Terrible carnage took place later when the Muslims in Talab Khatikan area were asked to surrender.
They were shifted to the police lines at Jogi gate, where now Delhi Public School is situated. Instead of providing them security, the administration encouraged them to go to Pakistan for safety. The first batch of several thousands of these Muslims were loaded in about sixty lorries to take them to Sialkot. Unaware of what is going to happen to them these families boarded the buses. The vehicles were escorted by troops. But when they reached near Chattha on Jammu-Sialkot road, in the outskirts of the city, a large number of armed RSS men and Sikh refugees were positioned there.
They were pulled out of the vehicles and killed mercilessly with the soldiers either joining [in] or looking [on] as idle spectators. The news about the massacre was kept a closely guarded secret. next day another batch of these Muslim families were similarly boarded in the vehicles and met the same fate. [T]hose who somehow managed to escape the wrath of killers reached Sialkot to narrate their tale of woe…

The state administration denied it had any role in the massacres. It even feigned ignorance of any plans to change the demography of the Jammu region. But Bhasin differs:
Though polite, he warned me of dire consequences…he first warned me by saying that “I could have put you behind bars for your nefarious activities. But since you also happen to be a Khatri like me and are also related to me, i am simply giving you advice. It is not the time to form peace committees and work for peace but to defend Hindus and Sikhs from the Muslim communalists who are planning to kill them and destabilise the situation. We have already formed a Hindu Sikh Defence Committee. You and your colleagues better support it.” Then he added, “We are imparting armed training to Hindu and Sikh boys in Rehari area. You and your colleagues should better join such training.” When i sent a colleague to the training camp the next day he found that some RSS youths and others were being given training in the use of .303 rifles by soldiers.
Another incident that I recall is about Mr Mehr Chand Mahajan (the then prime minister) who told a delegation of Hindus who met him in the palace when he arrived in Jammu that now when the power is being transferred to the people they should demand parity. [One] of them associated with National Conference asked how can they demand parity when there is so much difference in population ratio. Pointing to the Ramnagarrakh below, where some bodies of Muslims were still lying he said “the population ratio too can change”.
Mahatma Gandhi did comment on the situation in Jammu on 25 December 1947 and his remarks have found mention in volume 90 of his Collected Works: “The Hindus and Sikhs of Jammu and those who had gone there from outside killed Muslims. The Maharaja of Kashmir is responsible for what is happening there…Muslim women have been dishonored.”
Massacres
On 14 October, the RSS activists and the Akalis attacked various villages of Jammu district—Amrey, Cheak, Atmapur and Kochpura—and after killing some Muslims, looted their possessions and set their houses on fire. There was mass killing of Muslims in and around Jammu city. The state troops led the attacks. The state officials provided arms and ammunition to the rioters. The administration had demobilized a large number of Muslim soldiers in the state army and had discharged Muslim police officers.Most of the Muslims outside the Muslim dominated areas were killed by the communal rioters who moved in vehicles with arms and ammunition, though the city was officially put under curfew.Many Gujjar men and women who used to supply milk to the city from the surrounding villages were reportedly massacred en route. It is said that the Ramnagar reserve in Jammu was littered with the dead bodies of Gujjar men, women and children. In the Muslim localities of Jammu cityTalab Khatikan and Mohalla Ustad, Muslims were surrounded and were denied water supply and food. The Muslims in Talab Khatikan area had joined to defend themselves with the arms they could gather, who later received support from the Muslim Conference. They were eventually asked to surrender and the administration asked them to go to Pakistan for their safety. These Muslims and others who wanted to go to Sialkot, in thousands, were loaded in numerous trucks and were escorted by the troops in the first week of November. When they reached the outskirts of the city, they were pulled out and killed by armed Sikhs and RSS men, while abducting the women.
There were also reports of large-scale massacres of Muslims in Udhampur district, particularly in proper UdhampurChenani, Ramnagar, Bhaderwah and Reasi areas. Killing of a large number of Muslims was reported from Chhamb, Deva Batala, Manawsar and other parts of Akhnoor with many people fleeing to Pakistan or moving to Jammu. In Kathua district and Bilawar area, there was extensive killing of Muslims with women being raped and abducted.
According to Ved Bhasin and scholar Ilyas Chattha, the Jammu riots were executed by members of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) who were joined by the refugees from West Pakistan, and were supported strongly by Hari Singh and his administration with a main aim to change the demographic composition of Jammu region and ensure a non-Muslim majority. Bhasin states, the riots were "clearly" planned by the activists of RSS. Observers have noted that the Akali Sikhs and some former members of the Indian National Army (INA) also participated in this violence along with the RSS and state forces
Bhasin says that the massacres took place in the presence of the then Jammu and Kashmir's Prime Minister Mehr Chand Mahajan and the governor of Jammu, Lala Chet Ram Chopra, and that some of those who led these riots in Udhampur and Bhaderwah later joined the National Conference with some of them also serving as ministers. The decline in the Muslim population in Jammu can be gauged from the following.

Region
1941 Population
1941 Muslim proportion
2011 Muslim proportion
Loss of Muslims  
Jammu District
431,362
39.6%
7.1%
151,010
Kathua District
177,672
25.3%
10.4%
29,567
Jammu province (exc. Poonch and Mirpur)
1,172,950
44.5%
27.9%
246,356