What Gwadar can learn from India’s Mundra port

 

What Gwadar can learn from India’s Mundra port   

Pakistanis who want to see Gwadar reach its true potential would do well to learn from Mundra’s success.

Uzair M. Younus Published August 25,  

Located on the northern shores of the Gulf of Kutch, the Mundra Port is the largest private port in India. Handling almost 150 million tons a year, the port began operations in 1998 and is operated by Adani Ports & SEZ Limited, whose CEO is Karan Adani.

Karan is the son of Gautam Adani, one of the world’s richest men whose net worth is estimated to be almost $140 billion. Mundra’s rise and the strategy followed by Indian policymakers, especially Narendra Modi, first as Chief Minister of Gujarat and then as Prime Minister of India, offers many lessons to Pakistani policymakers seeking to realise the full potential of the Gwadar Port.

The modern era for the Mundra port dates back to 1994 when the Gujarat Maritime Board (GMB) gave an approval for a captive jetty. Four years later in 1998, the first terminal began operations under the Gujarat Adani Port Limited and by the end of 1999, there were multi-purpose berths operating at the port. Recognising the economic importance of this facility, a private railway line was completed in 2001 and by the end of 2002, this line was fully integrated with Indian Railways, allowing efficient transportation of cargo to and from the port across India.

What began as a facility handling commodity cargo — the port was handling crude oil by 2002 — became a Special Economic Zone (SEZ) by 2003.

This SEZ was part of a broader strategy to attract investment into the state of Gujarat through consistent policies favouring domestic and foreign investors. A flagship annual event, titled Vibrant Gujarat, was organised starting in 2003 (it continued until 2019) where prospective investors, policymakers, and other business leaders explored investment opportunities in the state.

The port’s growth soon led to the development of a second terminal, increased supply of power through an agreement with Tata Power, and growth in bulk cargo that was handled by the port and in 2008, the port began handling automobile exports through an agreement with Maruti Suzuki.

By 2007, less than a decade after operations began, Mundra Port and Special Economic Zone Limited (MPSEZ) offered equity shares to the Indian public. The shares were offered at about Rs100 per share and the offering was oversubscribed by 116 times. Today, the entity is the largest private port operator in India with 13 ports in the country, representing almost 25 per cent of the country’s port capacity — the company also recently acquired Haifa Port in Israel for $1.18 billion.

The Mundra Port now has almost two dozen warehouses with a combined storage capacity of 137,000 square meters. These facilities store wheat, rice, fertiliser, and other commodities. The port also has wheat-cleaning and rice-sorting facilities, with a cumulative capacity to handle over 1,700 tons of wheat and rice a day. It is also the world’s largest coal importing terminal with a capacity to handle over 40 million tons of coal a year. These coal imports are critical not only for India’s energy sector but also for Adani, which operates coal mines in places like Australia and owns coal power plants in India.

The foundations of success

The dramatic success of Mundra and the Adani conglomerate is built on two key foundations — the consistency of policy priorities, especially at the state government level, and the recognition that the private sector is best placed to generate economic activity.

Gujarat had high levels of economic growth through the 90s and this focus on economic development continues to this day. Despite significant human development challenges related to childhood malnutrition, literacy, etc, successive state governments have developed a set of policies that prioritise economic opportunity at the local level.

Mundra’s success was built on this priority, meaning that before the port could play a role in helping India’s broader economic story, it had to have a positive impact on the people who lived in the state of Gujarat.

The second priority focused on letting private sector entrepreneurs mobilise resources, gain technical knowhow, and take risks to build critical infrastructure and associated industries around it. While the government offered investment incentives, tax breaks, and other support, the onus on developing, growing, and scaling up Mundra Port was on the Adani Group.

And while people may rightfully point to crony capitalism as being the driver of this innovation, the fact of the matter is that Gautam Adani became one of the world’s richest men through productive investments, not just elite capture of state resources.

The fault with our port

These two core principles seem to be missing as Pakistan seeks to build and scale Gwadar. The regular protests by the residents of Gwadar, who have limited access to drinking water, and the broader disenchantment of Baloch citizens is evidence that inclusive economic opportunity through state-led investments remains a distant dream. The question is: can a major port, that is unable to deliver for the people that live closest to it, generate economic opportunity and wealth that benefits Pakistan and its citizens?

Secondly, the thrust of the development model being followed in Gwadar continues to be state driven where realities of the local economy are ignored. For example, the core economic activity of Gwadar for centuries has been fishing. Despite this obvious fact, not a lot of effort has been made to mobilise private capital to modernise this fishing industry such that it creates well-paying jobs for local citizens in industries affiliated with seafood, combined with a special focus on exporting these products.

Finally, the lack of political stability in Balochistan and the machinations that are the norm in Quetta, means that there is little local ownership in terms of tackling the province’s chronic economic and human development challenges. Over the last few days, the province has been devastated by rains and flooding, but elites, mainstream media, and citizens remain fixated on the political game of thrones being played out in Islamabad.

The dramatic growth at Mundra Port, the economic activity that it has generated in alignment with Gujarat’s own developmental priorities, and India’s broader development trajectory, where it has become more globally integrated, stands in stark contrast with ours.

Mundra as a case study offers key lessons of how and why this divergence is taking place, especially as it relates to mobilising private sector capital to achieve strategic economic objectives.

Pakistanis who want to see Gwadar reach its true potential would do well to learn from Mundra’s success and apply similar strategies in Gwadar. https://www.dawn.com/news/1706574/what-gwadar-can-learn-from-indias-mundra-port

 

Strategic Contention Over Ports: Pakistan’s Gwadar Versus Iran’s Chabahar By Sajjad Shaukat (JR 187 SS 58)

Strategic Contention Over Ports: Pakistan’s Gwadar Versus Iran’s Chabahar By Sajjad Shaukat (JR 187 SS 58)

An analytical article, written by Vinay Kaura was published on the Indian news website “The Print.in”, Updated: 25 June, 2019. It contains subtitles “India needs Chabahar Port more than ever now, but Trump’s reckless behaviour could ruin it-China and Pakistan have been working overtime to woo Iran and integrate it into their strategic nexus against India”.

In the analysis, Vinay Kaura wrote: “Tensions between the United States and Iran are at an all-time high. And, if hostilities do break out, it would be a huge geopolitical setback for India for multiple reasons, not least because of its impact on oil prices. Ever since President Donald Trump withdrew from the nuclear deal with Iran and re-imposed economic sanctions, pressures have been building. The downing of an American surveillance drone by Iran…the subsequent threat by Trump of a retaliatory has made matters worse for regional security. Iran has already declared that it would soon breach the limit on nuclear material agreed upon in the 2015 nuclear deal, further escalating the crisis. The US is also planning to send additional troops to the region. Although the mediatory mission that Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe undertook to help lower the political temperature between Iran and the US did not bear fruits, this de-escalation mission to Tehran should ideally have been undertaken by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, even at the risk of its imminent failure.”

Vinay Kaura further wrote: “New Delhi has a specific reason to be extremely concerned about the Iran situation. India believes that its strategic ambitions in Central Asia can be realised with Iranian support. India’s commitment  to building Iran’s Chabahar Port on the Gulf of Oman, connecting India to Afghanistan, through which it can gain access to Central Asia and Eurasia bypassing Pakistan…It is also a counterweight to the Gwadar port, a China-Pakistan joint venture. When the 2015 nuclear deal on Iran was clinched…There was widespread feeling in India’s strategic circles, and even among some in Washington, that the US could begin moving troops and supplies through Chabahar. This was the easiest way to reduce America’s over-dependence on Pakistan… Following this optimistic scenario, Iran, India and Afghanistan signed a trilateral agreement in 2016, which allows the three countries to open new connectivity routes by converting Chabahar port into a transit hub. But the regional context has perhaps changed remarkably with Trump’s determination to exit from the bloody Afghan theatre…Washington not only lost a huge opportunity to develop an alternate route benefiting American interests in Afghanistan, but also put a question mark over the Chabahar project. New Delhi has substantially reduced its energy dependence on Iran due to sustained pressure from Washington, and the India-backed Chabahar Port has so far remained outside the purview of American sanctions on Iran reimposed in 2018. But if the US-Iran relations deteriorate further, India’s Chabahar geopolitics is bound to suffer irreversible damage. No port can survive without a viable commercial ecosystem.”

While comparing the Chabahar and Gwadar projects, Vinay Kaura elaborated: “And the Gwadar port is already far ahead of Chabahar port in terms of infrastructure and business potential. If military tensions rise, it will hit commercial activities in Chabahar port. This would be music to Pakistan and China’s ears…Although China has been Pakistan’s ‘all-weather friend’ for more than half a century, the scope and dimension of political, economic and military cooperation between the two have been on the rise ever since Xi Jinping came to power. Xi unveiled the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as a way to make China a preeminent global power, and Pakistan’s geostrategic importance for China also increased manifold…The geography of Gwadar is very interesting. Situated at the mouth of the Arabian Sea, the Gwadar port is part of the Balochistan province in Pakistan. The geostrategic significance of the Gwadar port, on which the success of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) depends, can’t be overestimated. China has pumped in big money to develop the port. If China sees the Gwadar port as a convenient bridge to connect with the Middle East, Pakistan has reasons to regard the port as a counterweight to the growing strategic convergence between India and the US…If Iran gets militarily punished by the US, Tehran’s resultant diplomatic isolation and economic suffering would present China and Pakistan with the greatest opportunity to integrate Chabahar with Gwadar. This would defeat the very foundation of India’s geopolitical plans in Afghanistan and Central Asia through the Chabahar port. This will also increase Chinese influence in the region.”

Vinay added: “Afghanistan has been totally dependent on Pakistan’s Karachi port for its imports and exports. Without access to Chabahar, it will not be possible for Afghanistan to pursue an independent foreign policy. And this is certainly not what India wants for its regional ally. China and Pakistan have been working overtime to woo Iran to integrate into their strategic nexus against India. Last month, Iranian foreign minister Javad Zarif, during his interactions with Pakistan’s civil-military leadership in Islamabad, reportedly said that Iran has a proposal for the government of Pakistan for connection between Chabahar and Gwadar…We believe that Chabahar and Gwadar can complement each other. Can India afford to ignore Iran’s overtures to China and Pakistan?...Russia’s newfound interest in boosting ties with Pakistan has already complicated India’s position…There is no doubt that if the Chabahar port really gets entangled in Trump’s reckless machinations, it will be a major geostrategic setback for India. New Delhi cannot avoid addressing this challenge even though Narendra Modi may not be interested in shuttle diplomacy.”

However, this analytical article or news item shows the realistic approach of the Indian writer Vinay Kaura. But, it needs further analysis in light of the latest developments.

In this respect, US Secretary of state Mike Pompeo’s visit to New Delhi from June 25-27 is of particular attention. He met Prime Minister Narendra Modi, External Affair S Jaishankar and National Security Advisor Ajit Doval.

In the joint statement on June 26, 2019, besides other matters, Foreign Minister S Jaishankar said: “We pushed for a constructive and pragmatic view on issues related to trade. India would be guided by its own national interest when it came to purchasing defence systems from Russia”.  

US Secretary of state Mike Pompeo’s said: “The US wants greater market access. We’ve got to get the economic piece right…US-India partnership is already beginning to reach new heights, including our defense corporation and our common vision for free and open Indo-Pacific…Iran is the biggest state sponsor of terror.”

Both the foreign ministers stated that they would look for ways to work through these issues which also include US opposition to the $ 5 billion S 400 defence deal between India and Russia. 

Meanwhile, in a tweet statement, on the same day (June 26), American President Trump said: “I look forward to speaking with Prime Minister Modi about the fact that India, for years having put very high Tariffs against the United States, just recently increased the Tariffs even further. This is unacceptable and the Tariffs must be withdrawn!”

Thus, Trump’s tweet contradicted the joint statement made by S Jaishankar and Mike Pompeo’

Indian and American analysts opined that China’s growing influence in the Indo-Pacific region and Beijing’s greater assertiveness over the larger Indian Ocean region have helped draw New Delhi and Washington closer over the years.

It is notable that India was openly opposing the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) which is part of China’s One Belt, One Road (OBOR) or China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), America also joined New Delhi. In this context, on October 3, 2017, the then US Defence Secretary James Mattis told the Lawmakers, “The United States has reiterated its support for India’s opposition to China’s One Belt, One Road initiative…the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor”.

It is mentionable that the seventh round of talks began between the American officials and Taliban representatives in Qatar’s capital on June 29, this year, after the US stated that it hoped for a peace deal before September 1, 2019. Reports suggest that America has agreed to the main condition of the Taliban regarding withdrawal of the US and NATO forces from Afghanistan.

Notably, after the withdrawal of the US-led NATO forces from Afghanistan, India will have to roll back its multi-faceted network from that country owing to the stiff resistance of the Taliban, as New Delhi supported the US-led militants of the Northern Alliance against the Taliban in the war-torn country.

On the other side, taking cognizance of the new developments, Kabul is rapidly improving it relations with Pakistan. Afghanistan is also likely to join the CPEC. Because of America’s hostile and aggressive diplomacy, Iran could abandon the Chabahar project and would also join the CPEC.

Besides, these developments will thwart Indian strategic goals to expand access to Central Asia, Eurasia and the Middle East. Hence, we should agree with the analysis of Vinay Kaura that Pakistan and China would be the beneficiaries and India will be the looser over the strategic contention between Gwadar port and Chabahar port.

Sajjad Shaukat writes on international affairs and is author of the book: US vs Islamic Militants, Invisible Balance of Power: Dangerous Shift in International Relations

Email: sajjad_logic@yahoo.com

Russia and China Discern Indian Participation in the Anti-China-Anti-Eurasia Groupings By Sajjad Shaukat (JR 185 SS 56)

Russia and China Discern Indian Participation in the Anti-China-Anti-Eurasia Groupings By Sajjad Shaukat (JR 185 SS 56)

The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (ASD, also known as the Quad), comprising the United States, Japan, India, and Australia held a meeting in Bangkok in Thailand in the beginning of March, this year. The strategic meeting was attended by the senior officials of these countries who talked on their collective efforts for a free, open and inclusive Indo-Pacific region, opposing China’s influence. They agreed for collective cooperation.

The Quad was initiated in 2007 by the then Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe during his first term.

In 2018, the administration of the US President Donald J. Trump re-raised the concept as part of its ‘free and open Indo-Pacific’ strategy. In deference to China, India objected to Australia’s inclusion in Malabar naval exercise among the US, Japan and India. As part of American double game, Admiral Phil Davidson, the head of the US Indo-Pacific Command has suggested that the Quad be shelve for now. As Davidson stated, “there is limited appetite for operationalizing the Quad” presumably meaning the militarization of the arrangement. Indeed the concept–at least as a military alliance—is more likely to go the way of the dodo than rise from its ashes like a phoenix.  

However, the grouping of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue reappeared on the international stage in November 2017 after a ten-year hiatus. The grouping immediately garnered attention because of two things: the impressive  characteristics of its participants—the largest-economy  in the world and top military spender,  the third-largest economy,  the fastest-growing economy economy and second-most populous country in the world, and a significant middle power.

The timing of its rebirth is linked with Sino-US trade and political conflict which have started heating up.  Relations between China under Xi Jinping and the United States under Donald Trump were deteriorating rapidly in late 2017, and the reinstatement of the Quad was the first concrete step in the Trump administration’s strategy toward the Asia-Pacific region and the adjacent Indian Ocean.

At the 4th Raisina Dialogue held in New Delhi on January 8, 2019, Admiral Phil Davidson, described the core of strategy in advancing a free and open Indo-Pacific. But, from the perspective of Russia, this strategy’s main goal is the containment of China and sabotage of Beijing’s efforts to reshape its surroundings in accordance with its increased capabilities and expanded interests.  Nevertheless, such a stance may alienate Russia’s traditional partner India.

Russia’s reaction to the first meeting  of the reinvigorated Quad, though negative, was very restrained: the concept behind the grouping was (and still is) too vague to make serious objections, but it was immediately perceived as contradicting Russia’s interests. Russian Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs Igor Morgulov called it  an American strategy aimed at “drawing dividing lines” between countries. Aside from an inherent inclination to see all US ideas as contrarian to Russia’s interests, there are several more cogent reasons as to why Moscow will likely never look at any positive aspects of the Quad or the Indo-Pacific concept as a whole.

Analysis of the Russian state-backed think-tank Valdai Club said: “Russian authorities perceive the Quad as a military axis within the US Indo-Pacific strategy”.

It is notable that in the recent past, despite Russian efforts to de-escalate India-Pakistan tensions, New Delhi has tried to down play it due to her hegemonic attitude and frustration with the outcome of standoff with Islamabad. Saner elements within India have already sounded skepticism with the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ill-founded policy of ‘muscular approach’ vis-à-vis Pakistan. The Hindu newspaper on March 2, 2019 reported: “Reacting to reports that Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov had offered to mediate as well as provided a venue for talks between India and Pakistan, Indian Ambassador to Moscow Mr. Verma stated I want to emphasize that we did not receive a formal offer of mediation. And even we do, we will not accept it. So far, no country has offered to mediate in resolving the conflict…According to the statement of the Russian Ministery of Foreign Affairs (MFA), Mr. Lavrov had expressed Moscow’s readiness to promote the de-escalation of tensions and the lack of an alternative to resolving any differences between Islamabad and New Delhi by politico-diplomatic means.”

More recently during an interview with Sputnik News, DG ISPR, spokesman for Pakistani military, Maj-Gen Asif Ghafoor explained the post Pulwama environment (False Flag terror attack in the Indian Occupied Kashmir) and appreciated Russian positive and proactive role in cooling down the hot environment created by Indian jingoism.

In this regard, DG ISPR highlighted, “We greatly value the relevance and importance of Russia in the region, especially what role Russia has lately played toward the Afghan reconciliation. Russia looks toward balance of power and multi-polarity in the world. We value Russia’s voice as the voice of reason, and we would love if Russia, being a powerful country, plays its role which enables bringing peace in South Asia and beyond. And we expect that Russia will do it, as the efforts in fact being undertaken by Russia are generating good results”.

Besides, it is pertinent to talk about how multilateralism in Eurasia and the Indo-Pacific is affecting the triangle of Russia-Pakistan-China and India. It may be of value to discern the underlining currents in the intellectual debate held in the Raisina Dialogue held in New Delhi.

One of the discussion forum with participation from Russian delegates representing prestigious think tanks was titled “The Arrival of Global Politics: Navigating a Multi-perspective World Order”, moderated by Feodor Lukyanov of Valdai Club and was participated by delegates from the US, India and China.

The Indian delegate Indrani Bagchi cherished the role being assigned to India in the Indo-Pacific as legitimate, while referring to Trump’s unilateralism and disruption, she allegedly equated it with disruption and unilateralism by blatantly saying that when Russia walked into Ukraine and China walked into South China Sea, there was unilateralism. Under the pretext, She also boasted that India will have Quad—the military cooperation mechanism, built upon participation from India, Japan, Australia and the US to make sure that India gains her strategic space in the Indo-Pacific and expand it further into West-Pacific and the gulfs connecting Indian ocean with Mediterranean and Africa.

Russian delegate Anton Tsvetov, advisor to Chairman Centre for Strategic Research talked about emerging concepts and initiatives like China’s One Belt, One Road (OBOR) and Eurasia, a version of Mega regional initiatives in the wider quest for managed globalization. He also added that the new dilemma facing states is not only inter-state, but also intra-state where states are becoming uncomfortable with chaotic forces within.

General Evgeny Buzhinsky from Russia proposed that any Strategic Arms Control mechanism in future will have to involve Pakistan, India, Israel and North Korea as well, thus a Multilateral Arms control system was the only way the world could manage the Strategic Arms.

Chinese scholar Ms. Yang Yanyi observed that there was an apparent deficiency of wisdom in policy advisors and strategists in the West, especially those who propagate a new Cold War, disruption of global supply chain and erecting political obstacles to even cultural exchange and economic development.

Although it may be premature to comment on the feeling of Russian and Chinese delegates in Raisina Dialogue, yet they took the Indian thoughts with a pinch of salt, particularly when Indian delegate Ms. Indirani openly talked of Quad and tagged Russia and China with disruptive forces in one breath.

It is mentionable that Russia-Pakistan relations have now started crystallizing and have the potential to move beyond military cooperation. The idea of RUPACH (Russia-Pak-China), or Russia-Pakistan-China can be given a thought for intellectual debate, six important points for this debate are appended:-

The convergence of geopolitical and geo-economic interests of these states (RUPACH) is clearly discernable—whether it be the quest for collective security, terrorism emanating from Afghanistan-India-US nexus, opening of new strategic corridors of development or the drive for multilateral cooperation in checking the emerging realities in Indo-Pacific and the larger Eurasia, all points to commonality of interest.

Global geo-economic power grid has decisively shifted towards Eurasia, the region is no more dependent on Anglo American and Western dominance of world financial system; the region can stand on its own owing to existence of the production depository and market in one strategic space. The Pan-Eurasian big space as projected by the Russian President Vladimir Putin and Alexander Dugin is no more a dream, but a reality. Alexander Dugin who happens to be a trend-setter in Russian political thought, has maintained a respectable position in Russian hierarchy and happens to be an informal advisor to President Putin.

Global connectivity through internet and remote communication can allow free flow of ideas by using information technology; this phenomenal change has brought down the old barriers of language, faith, culture and even civilizations, leading to creation of fraternity of brotherhood and collective peace, while the region is also fed up and weary of perpetual wars and conflicts, the fraternity of brotherhood is no more zonked by cacophony of neo-liberalism and capitalism, the region needs someone to lead two billion people into a new era of peace, prosperity and inclusive development.

In this respect, those who projected the isolation of Pakistan may be frustrated; the morphing and mutation of the idea of RUPACH should be discussed in Pakistan as well as by the Russian and Chinese think tanks, including academia. It may not be farfetched to state that the idea of RUPACH, along with corridors of economic development like China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) or China’s OBOR may become the harbinger of peace for entire Eurasia.

Meanwhile, we can witness a contest between the contemporary traditionalist-imperialist block hiding behind the façade of neo-liberalism and the proponents of Eurasia; can RUPACH be the new kid on the block in the emerging order of nations?

America has established global dictatorship, with de-facto power to decide who is right and who is wrong and who should be punished. There is a need for global community to fight against it.

Therefore, the concept of RUPACH needs a strategic road map, some of the suggested points can be discussed through formal and informal channels, and a road map for next two decades can be charted to develop supporting strategies.

In this connection, the strategic areas of cooperation can be in many fields; however the important ones could be infrastructure development, energy, including strategic pipe lines and off shore exploration, mining, cultural exchanges, higher education, information technology, health sector, air corridors, maritime trade, agriculture and regional security. In these terms, CPEC has already paved the way for helping the Eurasian dream of regional integration, which could become the bedrock for RUPACH.

Sajjad Shaukat writes on international affairs and is author of the book: US vs Islamic Militants, Invisible Balance of Power: Dangerous Shift in International Relations

Peace Dividends Must Reach People by Sajjad Shaukat (JR141SS29)

Peace Dividends Must Reach People by Sajjad Shaukat (JR141SS29)

Addressing the 218^th Corps Commanders’ Conference on February 4, this year, Chief of the Army Staff General Qamar Bajwa said, “The dividends of improved internal security situation must reach out to the people of Pakistan through socio-economic development.”

The army chief elaborated, “Stability operations as part of Radd-ul-Fasaad shall continue, focus shall be on a national response against hostile forces…concurrent focus shall now be on strategising and implementing comprehensive national response against machinations by hostile intelligence agencies…inimical forces to undo the national gains for peace and stability.”

However, the forum also expressed satisfaction at the improved internal security situation and progress on regional peace initiative, especially the Afghan reconciliation process.

By the grace of Allah, and with the sacrifices of both Pakistani nation and the military, the peace has rejuvenated in the country. Pakistan is the only success story in the world in the war against terrorism. Three tiers including the state, people and Law Enforcement Agencies jointly fought the war, which was the main reason behind unprecedented success. No country in the world history has come out of the menace of terrorism so fast as Pakistan did.

The War on Terror has had multifaceted ramifications for Pakistan such as political and security repercussions, economic repercussions and socio-cultural repercussions.

Undoubtedly, Pakistan’s armed forces have successfully broken the backbone of the foreign-backed terrorists by the successful military operations Zarb-e-Azb and Radd-ul-Fasaad which have also been extended to other parts of the country, including Balochistan. While, Pakistan’s primarily intelligence agency, ISI has broken the network of these terrorist groups by capturing several militants, while thwarting a number of terror attempts. Peace has been restored in various regions of Pakistan, including Karachi and Balochistan province.

But, in the recent past and during the election-campaign of 2019, blasts in Balochistan and other regions of the country showed that the US-led India, Afghanistan and Israel have again started acts of sabotage especially to weaken Pakistan and to damage the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) which is part of China’s One Belt, One Road (OBOR) initiative or BRI. Washington and New Delhi has already opposed this project. Foiled terror attack on the Chinese consulate in Karachi on November 23, last year was part of the same scheme.

As compared to the past, these are few terrorism related attacks which also take place in Europe and the US from time to time.

It is notable that on September 6, 2017, addressing the Defence and Martyrs Day ceremony and hinting towards the US, Pakistan’s Prime Minister Imran Khan said: “The country will not be part of anyone else’s war, rubbished the myth of a civil-military divide in the country…We both [civil, military] have a common goal and that is to take this country forward.” He saluted the valour and sacrifices of the armed forces, which stood strong against all odds in the aftermath of the 9/11 and the unconventional war that followed, to safeguard the interests of the country.

Addressing the ceremony, Gen. Qamar Javed Bajwa stated: “Our forces and nation have rendered sacrifices in the war against terrorism…Our houses, schools and leaders were attacked. Efforts were made to weaken us internally.” Noting that more than 70,000 Pakistanis were martyred and injured in this war, the army chief vowed to collectively fight this menace of terrorism.

Gen. Bajwa added: “The country passed through a very difficult phase during the past two decades.” He also said that continuity of democracy was necessary in the country.

It is mentionable that internal security has improved in the country. Hence, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates and Russia, including companies of the Western countries have decided to invest in Pakistan.

Notably, on January 17, 2019, international company Cargill renewed its long standing commitment to Islamabad by announcing plans to invest more than US$200 million in the next three-to-five years. The announcement was made in the meeting when Cargill’s global executive team, led by Marcel Smits, head of Global Strategy and Chairman, Cargill Asia Pacific region, and Gert-Jan van den Akker, president, Cargill Agricultural Supply Chain, met with the Prime Minister Imran Khan and other senior government officials to discuss the company’s future investment plans.

Similarly on February 6, this year, during a visit of the Russian delegation, headed by Gazprom Management Committee Deputy Chairman Vitaly A Markelov, the Russian side pledged an investment of $14 billion in offshore gas pipeline project, North South Pipeline Project and underground gas storages in Pakistan, besides laying a pipeline to supply gas to the country from the Middle East through the sea-link. An agreement was signed between Moscow and Islamabad in this connection. Russian officials said that they would invest around $10 billion in offshore gas pipeline project, $2.5 billion in the North South Pipeline Project and the remaining on building underground storages in Pakistan. The Russian companies would build gas pipeline from Karachi to Lahore to transport imported gas for meeting the needs of the gas-starved province. Recently, the government faced a severe gas crisis, which can be prevented by underground storages.

It is of particular attention that completion of the CPEC-deep Gwadar seaport of Balochistan with an international airport at Gwadar and the roads infrastructure in Gwadar would link the communication networks of rest of the country to facilitate transportation of goods. When Gwadar seaport becomes fully operational, it would connect the landlocked Central Asian states with rest of the world. Being the commercial hub, the port is likely to increase volume of trade, bringing multiple economic and financial benefits to Pakistan like the Suez Canal which changed the destiny of Egypt when Israel returned it to the former. It will enable high-volume cargo vessels to move in the major oceans. Gwadar project which is backbone of the CPEC will uplift the impoverished people of Balochistan and Gilgit-Baltistan, including developments in other provinces by providing thousands of employment opportunities, especially to the less developed areas by redressing their grievances. The resulting prosperity in Balochistan and Gilgit-Baltistan would damp the separatist sentiments of the people, which the hostile elements, supported by the US, India and Israeli do not want. Therefore, with tactical support of CIA and Mossad, Indian RAW is also using Afghan soil to destabilize Balochistan to slow down the growth of the CPEC and pulling Afghanistan away from joining the CPEC.

It is worth-mentioning that since the government of the Balochistan province announced general pardon and protection to the Baloch militants as part of reconciliation process, many insurgents and their leaders have surrendered their arms and decided to work for the development of Pakistan and the province by including themselves in the mainstream of the country, and peace has been restored in the province.

Now, when the security situation has almost come to normal, our foremost obligation is to address each one of the positive repercussions as part of consolidation phase, so that the dividends of peace must reach people. No one but the present government along with the state institutions will have to take the lead in this respect. Economy of the country was the worst affected during terror stricken time of last two decades. The dividends of peace will be visible only when initiatives are taken through socio-economic development. The current government is on its way to address such issues, but the fruits of such efforts will be borne only when these fruits reach the common people. There is a need to adopt a fast track and focused strategy by incorporating all stake-holders to take visible initiatives for the betterment of common people.

Sajjad Shaukat writes on international affairs and is author of the book: US vs Islamic Militants, Invisible Balance of Power: Dangerous Shift in International Relations

Email: sajjad_logic@yahoo.com